A gun pointed at his head. The cries of Allahuh Akbar (God is great) are punctuated by staccato gunfire in the fight, although it is unclear if the shots are directed at Gaddafi. At first, he walks under his control before being hit by an armed mob. Finally, very bloody, but apparently still walking-Gaddafi has led to waiting vehicles. Following the violence. Historical leader of the Libya kicks and punches. GlobalPost obtained an exclusive video showing the iPhone immediately after its capture. A knife was held in the neck, but away from camera shake.

If Mutassim, a video posted on Facebook three seconds, probably taken after his capture, shows him seated in an upright position. He takes a puff of a cigarette and begins to speak. Later, the photos show dead with a neck injury. The shirt is bloody, but no visible lesions. (Date of Facebook video and authenticity can not be immediately confirmed by GlobalPost.).

The discovery stunned the former dictator, was found huddled in a water leak on Thursday in his hometown of Sirte, was captured by Algade Ali, a rebel fighter with an iPhone a few seconds after Gaddafi has been dragged through the discharge to hide. This is the first film to come out so far.

"I was sure I was in Algeria or out of place," said Mohammad Shakir rebel fighter, who seemed still in shock by the sudden and dramatic end to the conflict. "I want to celebrate – it is – but if my eyes have seen my mind still I can not believe.."

In Sirte, bodies littered the streets. The body of a sniper lying on a roof. In the course, the holes were made by stone walls that form the escape routes. Wooden planks bridging the neighboring houses. Rebel fighters forced to retreat damaged car. The houses, mostly destroyed by rockets, grenades and firearms, appeared empty of goods.

But while the revolution is at an end, there remain deep divisions in the country, and fears of civil war are still present. Libyan rebels are far from unified, have been maneuvering for power among themselves for months. And now that the center of the firepower of the rebels Gaddafi is gone, many fear that divisions within the rebel faction Libyan truth began to emerge in one of the most serious and violent, perhaps.

The rebels in the west, however, based in the city of Misurata, were involved in the fight against the worst of the conflict and successfully fought a bloody siege of his loyal city in March and April. The rebels of the ancient capital of the eastern revolutionary Benghazi and other cities. They say they are the true heroes of this conflict, because it was the first demonstration in Benghazi, which began in February and is where the security forces opened fire first Gaddafi.

Both parties were openly competing to be the first to take the bottom of the home town of Sirte, Gaddafi and capture or kill Gaddafi himself.In an area controlled by rebels in Sirte earlier this month, for example, Measured experienced fighter approached a rebellious newcomer in Benghazi and offered his supposed ally, a few words: You're late ..

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The company must disclose their plans for salvation, namely, the adoption of Windows Phone, while the Nokia N9 runs what they believed to spare, Meego. And "somehow appropriate, the management of our review of the long-awaited smartphone Nokia N9, on the eve of Nokia World 2011. A touch of individuality does not hurt any device, and N9 has built a following vowel, the accent should Meego have convinced Finnish, rather than an agreement with Microsoft. The rationality has blinded shortages or N9 is really a piece of bittersweet not only because of what might have been, but what to do? Keep reading SlashGear a full review.

If we had a dollar for every semi-recent review of the Nokia device, we have seen that concludes: "If this Android phone were" other, so it would probably be enough for us to buy a cigar. N9 simple, even the harshest critics have sought to criticize Nokia Symbian hardware, and with good reason: the company has pushed cleverly designed phones and smartphones.

Itinerary can be customized for the driver and pedestrian, with the former getting the dedicated application that has a great record, finger-friendly interface when you're driving, and indeed the launch of the second card for your next turn is always displayed in advance how they face. By offering a solid alternative to Google Maps Navigation on Android. The Nokia Maps and walking are two of the jewels in the crown of enterprise software and services. In addition to full NAVTEQ map data -- which can be downloaded in a country by country, directly storing the phone, very useful when traveling abroad and want to navigate and avoid the cost of data roaming -- which in turn turn directions and points of interest with criticism from other sources and opinions.

The saving grace is that we know that Nokia is the leader in the design and construction of the N9 at least one of its Windows Mobile 7: Can not Meego, but they have a future, and have always had a soft spot for Microsoft is the platform. Rarely are we so reluctant to part of the review unit we have come to refer to Nokia N9. It can not be faster or bang-Wizard of smartphones, but it is beautiful and holistic in many ways an example of why Nokia, once led the mobile domain. We can not blame Nokia for managing the company has chosen -- there is something more than just software, Windows Phone gives them a platform, a developer ecosystem, and the power of Microsoft, among other things -- but we can be more than sad , and the N9 Meego came a little "too late to recognize their true value, however, is difficult to escape the grinding of the material combination N9 's / software ..

www.youtube.com/watch?v=PgDaihMXkC4

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• Nokia N9 review — Engadget -- engadget

To celebrate the last weekend of the provision of this classic, we review the long history of film Musketeers ". This weekend, Paul Anderson takes his adaptation of Alexandre Dumas' The Three Musketeers movie. The Three Musketeers, published in 1844, has been interpreted on the screen more than twenty times during the past century and how the whole framed by a silent film of a vehicle of music star Charlie Sheen a Russian. This is not the first foray into the film for the trio of adventurers owner of fencing, however.

As D'Artagnan – the young hotheads eventually befriended and protected the musketeers as a child – Fairbanks at any given time only one hand for a sword of Handspring in a fight scene that was considered one of the biggest stunts this time. 1921: At this point, Hollywood had already put in three iterations of silence The Three Musketeers, the most obvious feature is the star of vaudeville GLAUME 1916 with Louise (as Milady de Winter, the beautiful and ruthless spy by Cardinal Richelieu) and Dorothy Dalton. It was not until 1921 that he met his first great star remake Musketeers swashbuckling silent, and was the "King of Hollywood" Douglas Fairbanks.

1939: Four years after Hollywood launched its first speak English Three Musketeers (which is nothing compared with the adaptation Fairbanks), Hollywood has decided that the Dumas novel was ready to pick up the actor. And the winning 1939 musical starring Academy Award Three Musketeers Don Ameche (Cocoon) as rtagnan and the trio of Ritz Brothers comedy loose as his assistants, who dance and sing about chicken soup.

Although Gene Kelly may have given a more moderate sensitivity to vibration and burning hazardous attributed to his character in the novel, his physical prowess made him one of the musketeers of the most elegant and acrobatic in the history of cinema. 1948: The Three Musketeers had its first plan in 1948, with bright Technicolor adaptation of the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, played by Gene Kelly as rtagnan, Lana Turner as the Countess of winter and Angela Lansbury (of 23) that Queen Anne.

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The one year old girl in the video below is of course not always want to turn the page on paper. While many commentators were angry, saying that the introduction of a one-IPAD is the first book of bad parents, I disagree. What's wrong with giving your child the best technology and start? I prefer to read on Kindle, because my son should not adopt new technologies as well?.

Codes of technology in our minds, change the operating system. Sample clips of real life a year, with growth of the touch screen and print. The video shows how magazines are useless and impossible to understand for digital natives. Humble tribute to Steve Jobs, the most important person: a child. And as it becomes useless. Medium is the message. Apple products have done well.

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He went to Wall Street lobbyists, with the complicity of the Democrats and Republicans in Congress, which caused the Great Recession to destroy an important part that had kept U.S. banks since the Great Depression Great reliable and legalized the securitization of home. But Wall Street titans have escaped are not responsible for the excesses of greed: They had their lackeys in government to implement a rescue plan for its line of life, while their victims among the unemployed have been abandoned and forfeited .

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Campbell story: "Who's there" He's been working his musical magic of the brothers were raids on the Internet in recent months with a series of adjustments viral music videos, and assuming (published to coincide with the launch of the new 3D version. two). You can see the video below after the jump. And with the prequel to the 1982 movie version this weekend Kaplan brothers have returned to take on the classic John Carpenter, directed by John W.

I have nothing to say except that the 1982 is one of my favorite movies of all time and this song is a great tribute to classic sci-fi/horror film. After a great and their epics with the music channel of the brothers Frank Sinatra classic Kaplan for his jazzy song "I am the thing." It's a fun song with your fingers and video spring Kaplan created an appropriate song for the movie scenes Carpenter.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=zwdgcvhjrrI

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After all, the company is still in a very critical and formative + Google and supports a number of projects open source programming, including another programming language, Go One question was whether Google would be able to support said Nystrom sustained effort to another programming language.

My concern was when I joined the team. I do not know what will happen, but I can say is that Google already has spent more money on it than I expected. Gilad [Bracha] is not f-ck all and came to Google to work in a duel. I do not think he would be happy if you're dead. ". Nystrom said questioned Google's commitment" is a legitimate concern.

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and extended by Obama in the new millennium were, whether consciously linked or not, invariably accompanied by an expansion of the carceral state through a similarly successive logic of war – on crime, on drugs and on terror. The four-decade dismantling of the social state, its safety net and provisions, which began with the Nixon "tax revolt" in the 1970s, and continued with the Reagan Revolution of the 1980s; Clinton's welfare reform in the '90s; and the permanent, trillion-dollar tax cuts introduced by Bush, Jr. The muscular law-and-order shift in mainstream political rhetoric in both Ontario and Canada, and its deepening popular appeal, strike an uncanny cord with ex-pat Americans like me, who came of age in the post-civil rights era and witnessed the galvanization – and polarization – of the US electorate by successive waves of counter-revolutionary change that rolled back many of the hard-won advances of that turbulent time.

A July 2010 article in The Economist cited a recent study by Bert Useem of Purdue University and Anne Piehl of Rutgers University who estimate that "a 10 percent increase in the number of people behind bars would reduce crime by only 0.5 percent." Further, they argue, "In states that currently lock up the most people, imprisoning more would actually increase crime," providing evidence to support claims asserted by criminologists that mass incarceration can have a "criminogenic" effect.(xi). For those who refuse to put a price tag on public safety, it is worth posing the question of whether get-tough measures have actually reduced crime. The astonishing answer is at best "not really," which is only slightly less deflating than "not at all." Given the billions spent annually on corrections, there is increasing evidence that harsher penalties for convicts have not proven to be effective deterrents against crime, and certainly not when compared to much cheaper alternatives to incapacitation such as retraining, or community service, or drug treatment given the soaring numbers of addicts in prison.

Suffice it here to point out that because poor men of color, who make up 70 percent of the prison population in the US, live in concentrations in neighborhoods that are racially and economically homogeneous – that is to say, have remained deeply segregated not by formal legal imposition, but through informal, market-based private preferences – some of the places where these men live are particularly hard hit by incarceration, with up to 25 percent of adult male residents of certain neighborhoods locked up on any given day.(xii) There is indeed a well-established theory and a solid body of evidence to indicate, as Todd Clear argues, that "high levels of incarceration concentrated in impoverished communities has a destabilizing effect on community life, so that the most basic underpinnings of informal social control are damaged. The idea that increased incarceration can somehow cause crime, is to say the least, counterintuitive, if not laughable, given the contemporary climate of public opinion in North America. But the relationship between incarceration and crime is quite complex. This, in turn, reproduces the very dynamics that sustain crime."(xiii).

Most Canadians still believe in a social contract, so much so that a politician running on a nakedly neoliberal platform of privatization and deregulation would face widespread popular opposition. Though law-and-order proponents invariably appeal to the personal safety and security of individual men, women and their families, as Harper and Hudak's anti-crime rhetoric reflects, there is a direct correlation between increases in state (and provincial) appropriations for criminal justice and decreases in spending on actual social safety nets most citizens support like welfare, health care and education – especially higher education.(xv). In the US, the "get tough" movement is and has remained popular with Washington ideologues and much of the electorate, even as it succeeded quite literally in "bankrupting the states" in less than two decades, according to the Connecticut corrections commissioner attending a high-profile Washington conference in 1992.(xiv) In other words, two decades into this four-decade mass incarceration experiment, state budgets were already well into the red, which translated at that time into deep cuts in the nation's health care; K-12 education; and, most profoundly, higher education – funding for which is seen as "discretionary," thus hardly a guarantee to begin with. Though bankrupt by the end of the first Bush administration, the devastating consequences of state impoverishment wouldn't be seen quite so violently or viscerally until the second term of Bush Jr. when Hurricane Katrina blew apart New Orleans and other coastal cities of the South, leaving citizens to their own wretched devices for days and weeks on end. Yet, a less direct route to privatization may well work, particularly one that plays to the insecurity and vulnerability of a citizenry already shaken by economic volatility, global terrorist threats and ecological precarity. Since 1992, Americans have had to contend with spiraling tuition rates and dwindling government-sponsored student loan programs – which pushed middle-class parents to the financial edge well before the 2008 recession sent them over – saddled most students with enormous debt as a result of new predatory private lending services and placed college well out of reach for youth of poor and minority families. At the same time, it may be argued that focusing on the question of economic cost – and even the effectiveness of harsher anti-crime policies – are deeply insignificant issues to put to law-and-order proponents, if in fact their long-term goal is to shrink public coffers in the interests of "limiting" the role of government (US advocates of such policies favor more violent "drowning" and "starving" metaphors) and turning most of its functions over to the private sector.

According to Wacquant, it is "Not crime, but the need to shore up an eroding caste cleavage . One such critic is the renown sociologist Loic Wacquant, who has argued that the US has not one, but many "peculiar institutions," the expanding carceral empire constitutes only the most recent of these, which continues to perform the tasks once achieved through chattel slavery, Jim Crow and urban ghettoization in terms of efforts to define, confine and control African-American populations. that is the main impetus behind the stupendous expansion of America's penal state in a post-Keynesian age." What distinguishes the carceral system of today from slavery, or Jim Crow, or the mid-20th-century ghetto is that it "does not carry out a positive economic mission of recruitment and disciplining of the workforce," but rather "serves to warehouse the precarious and deproletarianized fractions of the black working class, be it that they cannot find employment owing to a combination of skills deficit, employer discrimination and competition from immigrants."(xvii) Put in lay terms, Wacquant's analysis serves to underscore the social consequences of the pervasive racial backlash as well as unprecedented economic change that have come to mark the post-civil rights era. Such stark racial disparities have led a number of critics to draw comparisons between prisons and earlier regimes of racial rule in the US. Over 70 percent of those in prison are people of color, though they make up about 24 percent of the general population. Recent US history offers an unsettling potential parallel should Canada continue to follow the US lead in law-and-order crack down. According to a report released by the Pew Center in March 2009, one in every 31 adults resides in the US corrections system; broken down racially, the numbers are one in 11 are African-American, one in 27 are Latino and one in 45 are white.

Reagan was the first president to capitalize on this widespread economic insecurity and racial resentment. Invoking a racially coded rhetoric that effectively polarized the electorate, he undertook to dismantle the social welfare state – which he rebaptized as a broken system that nurtured the dependency of "welfare queens" and other degenerates living at taxpayers' expense – in order to liberate markets and consumer-citizens from burdensome governmental interference perceived to be too inclusive and too solicitous of "special interests" at the expense of hardworking "real Americans." Privatization of public expenditure was the necessary means to "free" capital from profligate spending on education, health, and other care-taking functions (nonetheless vital both to citizens' well-being and to political democracy), thereby extending the reach of the market and its much vaunted neutrality, rationality and efficiency. These latter pressures were felt first in the nation's urban centers before they would eventually spread out geographically and up the socioeconomic scale, threatening the very viability of the American middle class. As a result of a confluence of factors from technological advance to renewed international competition from nations like Germany and Japan, whose infrastructure was destroyed by World War II, to skyrocketing costs in production associated with disappearing natural resources, to the successes of recent wildcat strikes by labor unions, the 1970s bore witness to breakneck deindustrialization, deregulation and union busting which lead, in turn, to robust growth in corporate profits and gross domestic product, but also increasing joblessness, poverty and decaying infrastructure for everyday people. Ontarians will recall a similar logic subtending Mike Harris’s infamous “Common Sense Revolution” begun in the mid-1990s.  One of Harris’s first major policy decisions was to slash public assistance by 22%, which was followed by various attempts to sell off government-owned enterprises like Ontario Hydro, the Liquor Control Board of Ontario and the newly constructed 407 highway system—the one privatization scheme that was an overt success. Hudak, in contrast, would appear to have chosen a more roundabout path to privatization in his pursuit of government-drowning anti-crime legislation.

And this leads me to my third point. Reagan also infamously declared a war on drugs and radically rewrote crime policy, inaugurating a pattern of racially fueled neoliberal divestment (or neoliberally fueled racial backlash) that successive presidents – Democratic and Republican alike – would extend and expand. If the war on drugs can be said to have any success at all, it "succeeded" in sending more young black males to prison than to college and in escalating tensions between police and the minority communities they were to serve and protect. schools in poor, typically minority districts) and opening jails the signature of its domestic policy, where, in fact, states "even determine how many prison cells to build based on 4th grade reading scores and graduation rates."(xix) The decision to invest in prison construction over – and at the expense of – the nation's already cash-strapped public schools and universities reveals the degree to which investor returns in a hot growth industry that corrections has become far outweigh the social returns of an educated and engaged public. In keeping with the general trend toward deregulation, the formal dismantling of state supported Jim Crow segregation in the U.S. It denied ex-felons for life the right to public housing, food stamps, veterans' benefits, and in most states voting rights, the net result of which has been to recapitulate the "social death" Orlando Patterson ascribed to slaves in the antebellum South.(xviii) The devastation to black communities as a result of the prison binge in the form of spiraling poverty, unemployment and (ironically) crime has been well documented. Three decades later, one in three young black males will spend some time in the criminal justice system, in spite of the fact that drug use is relatively the same across racial and ethnic groups. Moreover, the escalation in forms of collateral punishment, or punishment meted out along side or after incarceration, in turn has broken up families where parental rights weren't dissolved altogether, and increased poverty and unemployment. lead simultaneously to the privatization of racist expression, thus ‘freeing’ the forces of racial reaction and retrenchment from government interference, let alone regulation. Rapid market-based residential resegregation was an immediate effect, with public and legal commitments to colourblindness proffering an effective alibi for an era of exacerbated racial inequality. And indeed, this should not be surprising in a nation that has made closing "failed" schools (i.e.

Not only have universities experienced a steep decline in state and federal funding with obvious impacts on student aid, class sizes, infrastructural repair, and the like, but the law-and-order policies that have fueled the nation's mass incarceration experiment have impacted the very mission of the university in terms of its contributions to the production of new knowledge – and in terms of its commitment to thought itself. In comparison to expenditures on America's many wars abroad and at home, its geographic deployments (in Iraq/Afghanistan/Libya) and its symbolic ones (on terror, on drugs, on crime), spending on education has been a low priority for decades. Less obvious are the specific – and staggering – intellectual costs of a law-and-order regime that has dramatically altered the very logic of governance, the very capacity for critical analysis and reflection on the part of citizens in the US. Consider the state of California, once home to the nation's most renowned systems of higher education, and now committed to the "largest prison building program in the history of the world."(xx) In an intense competition for state resources over the last decade in particular, prisons have emerged as the clear winner as greater and greater portions of the state appropriations and new opportunities for capital investment flow past the post-secondary sector to the California Department of Corrections (CDC). Only now have the consequences of these decisions become difficult to ignore, even as the underlying causes and connections remain below the radar for the majority of Americans.

As Ruth Wilson Gilmore's recent analysis reveals, the massive size and flexible budget of the CDC has been the subject of innumerable critical studies by the state's universities. Nor has the impetus been to raise ethical or philosophical questions about the recent historical shift in penal emphasis from "rehabilitation" to "punishment." Nor have these studies been committed to raising sociological or criminological questions about shockingly disproportional rates of poor and minority youth behind bars, or even the effectiveness of incarceration among a range of criminal justice responses, which are demonstrably cheaper and reduce recidivism. Like the cold war and later the war on terror, the war on crime dramatically influenced the production and circulation of knowledge in the academy, lending intellectual heft to policy decisions supportive of, and providing the technical expertise for, military adventures at home and abroad. Rather, it has been the "pitched competition" between the CDC and all other state agencies dependent on the general fund that "seems to have prompted the university to criticize the CDC in such a way that the university itself would become a necessary player in the CDC project as a supplier of efficiency expertise, while freeing up funds for other productive state activities." The engineers, for example, who conducted some of these studies, did so in the interests of placing themselves in direct line with the CDC's massive funding steam. Gilmore's assessment of this new relationship is chilling: not only did the university refuse to question the identification of crime itself as the central problem, as opposed to, say, the unprecedented expansion of the criminal justice bureaucracy in an era of "shrinking government" no less, but it was posed as a problem for engineering in the interests of cost reduction, sacrificing its obligation to a much more capacious and critical form of thought and reason on the mantel of rationalized efficiency:. The focus of these, however, has not been to challenge the political exploitation of an electorate whose fears of crime were fueled by ever-increasing media reportage, even in periods when crime rates stabilized or fell.

As with earlier studies, the central problem remained crime and its mitigation through imprisonment, and the solution turned on cost-effectiveness in the design-bid-build sequence for prison construction – rather than any reevaluation of, for example, the relation between crimes (old and new), education, and recidivism. .[xxi].

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Those days are long gone, but never really forget. Then we heard about how the characters have changed I was a little worried about "how to talk about a school friend who became a stripper, y." His life – "Man, what happened here," which can be a stripper, if you want, but I can not help thinking, sad, disturbing and a bit "intimidating. I keep a good memories of the days I was with these characters and stories, just "like how to look back at his high school years.

While it is amusing to think that this 52 Starfire DC / Catwoman rage could be a turning point that makes things. However, each "Comix is ​​sexist!" Forest fires leaves little scorched earth and trees grow back until the next traffic light. probably will not. At this point, the subject is as dry brush – just a spark ignites the fire. If you've been around a long time comic, "you know all this" superhero comics: they are so annoying at times for women "is not something new?.

readers in Japan (and American) has many options. To put this approach to consider the following: For every story like hyper-violent/hyper-sexualized, we love stories so sweet and sensitive. For each party bin-tastic terror, we share similar life stories.

To counter the Blue Rose, Dragon Kid, there is also a female character is androgynous tomboy does not feel the need to divide the flash of the fight against crime. In this context, the blue rose is in trouble w / the Britney and Miley has to do with – which requires industry to show skin to be a star. Yes, a female character who wears a little, but does not fit the Blue Rose bother me so much by his past as a teenager trying to break into show business.

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The last time I asked about their preferred VoIP services, talked about how to make calls from one person to use the computer. Now we are curious as to what services or devices that you prefer to transform the whole system into a home phone to VoIP phone calls over the Internet for free or low cost. How do you turn when you are ready to give up a landline, but do not give a telephone in every room?.

There are many services that are willing to keep a monthly bill for land telephone line and traditional business of providing low-cost solution that goes into the broadband Internet VoIP. This week we want to know about you prefer, or if you choose if you try to make the transition.

After the appointment, let us know what sets it apart from the competition. Please do not vote in response to another commenter. If you do not follow this format, you can not have your vote. To prevent manipulation of results, the votes for the first time commentators can not tell. Instead, make your vote and comments to separate. Hive five nominations take place in the comments, where to put your favorite tool for the job. We have received hundreds of comments to clarify his nomination, please include in the top of your comment like so: VOTE: best method to use a regular phone for Internet calls.

For example, check last week, the top five news aggregators. : The Hive Five series of articles that asks readers to answer the question most frequently asked questions is: "Which tool is best?" Once a week we call on the candidates seeking the best solution for a given problem, tell us your favorite tools to do the job. Every weekend, we report the five recommendations and give you the opportunity to vote on what is best.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=GltvyMuWBeA

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